September 24, 2012
U.S.A. and Iran
Pankaj Mishra, author of "From the
Ruins of Empire: "The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia", wrote
in the September 24th edition of the New York Times:
"There is little doubt that years of disorder lie ahead
in the Middle East as different factions try to gain control.
The murder of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens in Libya, the
one American success story of the Arab Spring, is an early sign
of the chaos to come; it also points to the unpredictable
consequences likely to follow any Western intervention in Syria
— or Iran.
As in Southeast Asia in 1975, the limits of both American firepower and diplomacy have been exposed. Financial leverage, or baksheesh, can work only up to a point with leaders struggling to control the bewilderingly diverse and ferocious energies unleashed by the Arab Spring.
Although it’s politically unpalatable to mention it during an election campaign, the case for a strategic American retreat from the Middle East and Afghanistan has rarely been more compelling. It’s especially strong as growing energy independence reduces America’s burden for policing the region, and its supposed ally, Israel, shows alarming signs of turning into a loose cannon. "
As in Southeast Asia in 1975, the limits of both American firepower and diplomacy have been exposed. Financial leverage, or baksheesh, can work only up to a point with leaders struggling to control the bewilderingly diverse and ferocious energies unleashed by the Arab Spring.
Although it’s politically unpalatable to mention it during an election campaign, the case for a strategic American retreat from the Middle East and Afghanistan has rarely been more compelling. It’s especially strong as growing energy independence reduces America’s burden for policing the region, and its supposed ally, Israel, shows alarming signs of turning into a loose cannon. "
In the last 35 years American
foreign policy in the Middle East seems to have revolved around two
poles: stability, to keep the oil flowing unhindered; support for
Israel, no matter what. But the Arab spring swept away or severely
crippled the dictatorial regimes through which the Americans worked.
Political change came in Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Syria, and, yes,
Iraq. The political climate was especially affected by events in
Egypt, long an American ally, and the cultural leader in the Arab
world - most Arab movies, for example, are made in Egypt. Thus the
sudden upheaval throughout the region has threatened the first pole:
stability. Simply put, if democracy as such comes to the Middle
East, it will mean war with Israel, whom the Arab masses hate and
despise, mainly because it is viewed as a colonial power.
The second pillar of American
Middle East policy, unswerving support of Israel, is undergoing
transformation, if only because Netanyahu is clearly trying to
influence an American presidentlal election. It must be stated here
that the foreign policy goals of the United States and Israel are
not, and never can be, congruent. It is not in the interest of the
United States to fight in Iran. Not only would this be more
destablization, but it would starkly reveal Israeli influence on U.S.
actions. Basically, Netanyahu has said "Let's you and him
fight." Israel does not want another nuclear power in the
Middle East (It possesses an estimated 50 atomic weapons and 3
thermonuclear devices). Of course, Israeli claims that these devices
would only be used in defense. But this is the precise argument that
Iran makes too. And it must be noted that the U.S. does not attack
opponents armed with nuclear weapons - another reason that Iran
quietly cites for its pursuit of A bombs.
As Mr. Mishra states, years of
disorder lie ahead in the Middle East. Keeping the peace and
satisfying legitimate Arab demands for equality and justice will try
the U.S. foreign policy establishment as never before.
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